{"id":10660,"date":"2026-05-05T14:39:42","date_gmt":"2026-05-05T12:39:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/?p=10660"},"modified":"2026-05-05T14:42:35","modified_gmt":"2026-05-05T12:42:35","slug":"restricted-at-home-mobility-housing-and-muslim-neighborhoods-in-delhi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/restricted-at-home-mobility-housing-and-muslim-neighborhoods-in-delhi\/","title":{"rendered":"Restricted at Home: Mobility, Housing, and Muslim Neighborhoods in Delhi"},"content":{"rendered":"

Finding a place to live in Delhi is not just about budget or location. For many Muslim residents, it involves navigating refusals from landlords, exclusion by housing societies, and coded language that signals who is\u2014and is not\u2014welcome. What appears as individual choice in the housing market is often shaped by broader patterns of social and spatial exclusion.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cWe don\u2019t rent to Muslims.\u201d In Delhi\u2019s rental housing market, this phrase circulates quietly but widely, rarely stated openly but widely understood. For many Muslim families, the search for housing becomes less about affordability or preference, and more about navigating refusal.<\/p>\n

One interviewee, a young professional who had recently moved to the city, described visiting multiple apartments across South Delhi, only to be turned away at the last moment. In some cases, brokers stopped returning calls once they learned his name. Eventually, he was advised\u2014matter of factly\u2014to \u201ctry Jamia Nagar.\u201d What seemed like a practical suggestion was, in effect, a boundary.<\/p>\n

The result is a pattern that shapes everyday urban life. Rather than moving freely across the city, many are channeled into a limited number of neighborhoods, including places like Jamia Nagar. What appears as clustering is, in fact, the result of repeated exclusion. Mobility within the city exists, but it is unevenly structured.<\/p>\n

Everyday Barriers to Urban Mobility<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Discussions of migration often focus on borders, visas, and long-distance movement. Yet mobility is also shaped within cities\u2014through housing markets, governance, informal practices, and social boundaries, an insight increasingly emphasized in migration and mobility scholarship.<\/p>\n

In Delhi, Muslim residents frequently encounter barriers when seeking housing in mixed or upper-income neighborhoods. These refusals are rarely formalized, but widely understood. Landlords may cite concerns about \u201cfood habits,\u201d \u201clifestyle,\u201d or \u201cpreferences,\u201d but the effect is consistent: access to housing is filtered through religious identity.<\/p>\n

These exclusions do not prevent movement altogether. Instead, they redirect it. Families move, but within a narrowed geography. Over time, this produces concentrated settlement patterns, where mobility leads not to dispersal but to clustering in particular areas.<\/p>\n

Neighborhoods like Jamia Nagar emerge through a cumulative process: repeated refusals elsewhere make certain areas more accessible, reinforcing their role as primary destinations.<\/p>\n

How Neighborhoods Become Stigmatized<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Once formed, such neighborhoods are rarely treated as ordinary parts of the city. They are described in planning documents and media accounts as congested, unregulated, or lacking infrastructure. These descriptions shape both how resources are allocated and how residents are perceived.<\/p>\n

This is not simply a matter of representation; it has material consequences. When an area is labeled \u201cunauthorized,\u201d it often receives fewer public services, and such neighborhoods become further stigmatized\u2014that is, they come to be consistently described, viewed, and treated as inferior or undesirable. Roads remain uneven, public health services are limited, sanitation systems are underdeveloped, and public investment is minimal. Over time, this neglect reinforces the very conditions used to justify it, embedding inequality through routine and often invisible forms of exclusion.<\/p>\n

In this way, an initial pattern of constrained mobility\u2014where people are channeled into specific areas\u2014feeds into a second process: territorial stigmatization, through which certain neighborhoods come to be marked and governed as \u201cproblem spaces.\u201d<\/p>\n

From Marginality to Suspicion<\/strong><\/h5>\n

In recent years, another shift has taken place. Muslim neighborhoods are increasingly framed not only as underdeveloped, but as spaces of risk. Media narratives and political discourse have contributed to associating such areas with illegality, disorder, poor sanitation, and security concerns.<\/p>\n

This shift matters because it changes how these spaces are governed. What begins as neglect can turn into heightened surveillance and intervention. As discussions on migration and crisis have shown, moments of political tension often intensify existing inequalities in how mobility is regulated and restricted (see Migration, \u201cCrisis,\u201d and the View from the Margins<\/a><\/em> on the nccr \u2013 on the move blog).<\/p>\n

In Delhi, this means that certain neighborhoods are not only spatially concentrated, but also subject to closer scrutiny. Mobility is no longer just limited\u2014it is also monitored.<\/p>\n

When Movement Is Not a Choice<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Urban redevelopment adds another layer to this process. Demolition drives and \u201cbeautification\u201d projects are often framed as necessary for improving the city\u2019s infrastructure or image, yet their effects are uneven.<\/p>\n

In neighborhoods already marked as informal or problematic, these interventions can lead to displacement and housing insecurity. For residents, this is not simply about moving elsewhere. It involves the loss of social networks, proximity to work, and a sense of belonging.<\/p>\n

Here, mobility takes on a different form. It is no longer about navigating constraints, but about responding to disruption. Movement becomes compulsory rather than chosen.<\/p>\n

Mobility Within the City: What Is at Stake?<\/strong><\/h5>\n

The case of Delhi highlights a broader point for migration research: mobility is not only about crossing national borders, but also about the ability to move, settle, and remain within cities. Some forms of movement are facilitated by markets and policy, while others are restricted through everyday discrimination and social boundaries. At the same time, movement can also be imposed through displacement and redevelopment.<\/p>\n

Seen this way, what appears as immobility is not a lack of movement, but movement that is channeled, contained, and closely monitored. The key question is not simply where people move, but how these movements are structured\u2014and by whom.<\/p>\n

Urban space, in this sense, becomes a critical site where mobility and belonging intersect. Patterns of settlement are not accidental; they emerge from cumulative exclusions, decisions, and representations that shape who can live where.<\/p>\n

Beyond Delhi: Mobility and Urban Inequality<\/strong><\/h5>\n

While this discussion is grounded in Delhi, similar dynamics can be observed elsewhere. In many cities, minority and migrant communities are channeled into specific neighborhoods, where access to housing is possible but broader mobility remains limited.<\/p>\n

What the Delhi case makes visible is a broader process: mobility can produce concentration, and concentration can lead to stigma, meaning that certain neighborhoods come to be seen, talked about, and treated as inferior or undesirable. Together, these processes shape how urban inequality is reproduced over time.<\/p>\n

Recognizing this shifts how we think about migration. It is not only about movement across borders, but also about navigating the boundaries within cities\u2014boundaries that are often informal, yet deeply consequential.<\/p>\n

Toward More Inclusive Urban Futures<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Addressing these challenges requires more than technical solutions. It involves recognizing how inequality is embedded in everyday urban processes.<\/p>\n

This includes confronting informal discrimination in housing markets, rethinking planning categories that justify unequal service provision, and ensuring that redevelopment does not disproportionately displace vulnerable communities.<\/p>\n

Ultimately, the question is not only who moves, but under what conditions movement becomes possible\u2014and sustainable. Paying attention to these everyday constraints shifts how we understand mobility itself: not as a universal freedom, but as something unevenly distributed across the city.<\/p>\n

Dr Istikhar Ali<\/a> is an urban ethnographer focusing on migration, urban inequality, and social exclusion in the Global South. His work examines how spatial segregation and everyday forms of governance structure unequal access to mobility, urban space and belonging.<\/em><\/p>\n

Reference:<\/p>\n

\u2013Pierre, Carol. 2026. \u201cMigration, \u2018Crisis,\u2019 and the View from the Margins<\/a>.\u201d The nccr \u2013 on the move blog.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Finding a place to live in Delhi is not just about budget or location. For many Muslim residents, it involves navigating refusals from landlords, exclusion by housing societies, and coded language that signals who is\u2014and is not\u2014welcome. What appears as individual choice in the housing market is often shaped by<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":380,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1059,542,609],"tags":[1456,1457,1458,1459,1455],"coauthors":[1454],"class_list":["post-10660","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-overcoming-inequalities-2-2","category-practices","category-society","tag-housing-discrimination","tag-spatial-segregation","tag-territorial-stigmatization","tag-urban-inequality","tag-urban-mobility"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10660","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/380"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10660"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10660\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10663,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10660\/revisions\/10663"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10660"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10660"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10660"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=10660"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}