{"id":2493,"date":"2018-01-23T14:34:38","date_gmt":"2018-01-23T13:34:38","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blog.nccr-onthemove.ch\/?p=2493"},"modified":"2018-01-23T14:34:38","modified_gmt":"2018-01-23T13:34:38","slug":"the-european-parliament-and-the-reform-of-the-dublin-system-bold-but-pragmatic","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/the-european-parliament-and-the-reform-of-the-dublin-system-bold-but-pragmatic\/?lang=fr","title":{"rendered":"The European Parliament and the Reform of the Dublin System: Bold but Pragmatic?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>This is a shortened version of a more comprehensive post, which was originally published on the blog \u201cEU Immigration and Asylum Law and Policy\u201d managed by the\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/odysseus-network.eu\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Odysseus Academic Network<\/a>\u00a0(20 December 2017). For the full version\u00a0:\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/eumigrationlawblog.eu\/the-report-of-the-european-parliament-on-the-reform-of-the-dublin-system-certainly-bold-but-pragmatic\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">see here<\/a>. Pour la version int\u00e9grale fran\u00e7aise,\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/eumigrationlawblog.eu\/le-rapport-du-parlement-europeen-sur-la-reforme-du-systeme-dublin-une-proposition-audacieuse-mais-pragmatique\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">cliquez ici<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>A new chapter is being written in the troubled history of the Dublin system. (Hastily) declared dead at the height of the crisis\u2019 of 2015, it has been (belatedly) judged unfit for purpose by a whole range of actors including the European Commission and Parliament. A fundamental reform has therefore been placed on the agenda as matter of urgency.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Commission\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/ec.europa.eu\/transparency\/regdoc\/rep\/1\/2016\/EN\/1-2016-270-EN-F1-1.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Dublin IV Proposal<\/a>\u00a0of May 2016 (examined\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/eumigrationlawblog.eu\/dublin-is-dead-long-live-dublin-the-4-may-2016-proposal-of-the-european-commission\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here<\/a>), however, did not propose a fundamental reform of the system. To the contrary, it retained all the structural elements that doomed the system to failure: its disregard for the needs, aspirations and life circumstances of applicants; its unfairness towards border and \u201cfirst application\u201d States; and its na\u00efve trust in the willingness of Member States to cooperate in sharing responsibilities.<\/p>\n<p>Accordingly, reception has not been good among commentators and Council and Parliament have not been enthusiastic either. While the Council is still mired in internal disagreement, the\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/sides\/getDoc.do?pubRef=-%2f%2fEP%2f%2fTEXT%2bPV%2b20171116%2bITEM-007-04%2bDOC%2bXML%2bV0%2f%2fEN&amp;language=EN\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">European Parliament<\/a>\u00a0has adopted as basis for inter-institutional negotiations a document that is highly critical of the Dublin IV Proposal: the \u201c<a href=\"http:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/sides\/getDoc.do?pubRef=-\/\/EP\/\/NONSGML+REPORT+A8-2017-0345+0+DOC+PDF+V0\/\/EN\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Wikstr\u00f6m Report<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>The report is meant to constitute a \u201cbold but pragmatic proposal\u201d. It certainly is bold: the boldest official proposal ever submitted for the reform of responsibility allocation. It replaces the \u201csanctions-based\u201d approach of the Commission with an \u201cincentives-based\u201d approach. Furthermore, it introduces permanent and automatic quota-based allocation. It is more questionable that the proposal is pragmatic. In the following, we analyze whether it would be capable of \u201cworking in practice\u201d as claimed.<\/p>\n<p><strong>An \u201cIncentives-Based\u201d Model of Responsibility Allocation<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>The Reform of the Dublin Criteria<\/em><\/p>\n<p>An important element is the reform of the Dublin criteria. The whole hierarchy of criteria is re-centered on the \u201cgenuine links\u201d that applicants may have with particular Member States. Thus, the family criteria are significantly expanded and other \u201cgenuine links\u201d are introduced. Critically, the criterion of irregular entry is deleted.<\/p>\n<p>The logic of these amendments is to encourage persons to apply in the first State entered into: they (should) remove the prospect of being \u201cstuck\u201d in the first port of entry, and enhance the prospect of being transferred to a desirable destination. A further, far-reaching amendment is the reform of the rule that applies by default when none of the criteria is applicable. As the law stands, the State where the first application had been lodged is responsible. To break the incentives that this may create for applicants to travel on to their preferred destination and to promote a fairer sharing of responsibilities among Member States, the \u201cWikstr\u00f6m Report\u201d would replace this rule with the automatic allocation of responsibility to the \u201cleast burdened\u201d State(s).<\/p>\n<p><em>The Permanent Allocation Mechanism<\/em><\/p>\n<p>By becoming the default rule, \u201ccorrective allocation\u201d becomes permanent \u2013 not anymore a \u201ccrisis\u201d mechanism as per the Commission proposal. Permanent allocation further incorporates new features intended to promote acceptance and cooperation on the applicants\u2019 side:<\/p>\n<ul class=\"liste\">\n<li>First, an element of choice is inserted in the allocation process: the determining State is to \u201cshortlist\u201d the four least-burdened States at the moment of the application, and the applicant is to be given a short deadline to choose among them.<\/li>\n<li>Second, applicants are allowed to register as groups of maximum 30 people. Family members and relatives are to be \u201callocated\u201d together in all circumstances.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Conceptually, the idea of giving applicants a choice as to their destination (and company) is nothing short of revolutionary, and breaks at last the \u201cno choice\u201d taboo that has until now reigned uncontested in Dublin-dom. Still, restricting applicants\u2019 choice to four States \u2013 likely none of them \u201cpreferred destinations\u201d \u2013 seems a sure-fire way of depriving this bold reform of its intended effects. Indeed, if the objective is to promote acceptance while at the same time ensuring a fair distribution, why not give applicants the choice among all the Member States that are below quota at the moment of the application?<\/p>\n<p><em>New Incentives for Member States<\/em><\/p>\n<p>The \u201cWikstr\u00f6m Report\u201d also aims to incentivize the Member States to play by the rules. In particular, it aims to make sure that border and \u201cfirst application\u201d States carry out their \u201cgatekeeper\u201d task properly. To this end, several steps are taken including:<\/p>\n<ul class=\"liste\">\n<li>The deletion of the irregular entry criterion and of the default rule assigning responsibility based on the place of the first application \u2013 both powerful incentives to turn a blind eye on irregular entries and to \u201cwave through\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>Placing several costs, currently borne by the application State, on the EU budget (e.g. reception costs during the Dublin procedure) \u2013 though, inexplicably, not all the costs that these States incur to provide \u201cpublic services\u201d to the EU as a whole (e.g. processing costs for the Dublin procedure).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Of course, regardless of these incentives, border and application States would only play the game if they trust the allocation mechanism, especially in times of crisis. Swift allocation of those who arrive and are registered would, in fact, be their only insurance against being quickly overburdened by \u201cfirst line\u201d reception responsibilities. In this respect, the report also suggests introducing \u201cdisincentives\u201d \u2013 in the form of restricted access to EU funds \u2013 for Member States who would refuse to cooperate as e.g. the Visegrad States did under the 2015 relocation schemes. It is difficult to say whether such disincentives would be enough.<\/p>\n<p>Should allocation fail to deliver for this or other reasons, however, the system would quickly founder in disorder as pressure to defect and \u201cwave through\u201d would build on \u201cgatekeepers\u201d. So can allocation work in practice?<\/p>\n<p><strong>A System That Will \u201cWork in Practice\u201d?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>No matter how important the strengthened protection for family and other \u201cgenuine\u201d links, the revolutionary element of the report is automatic quota-based allocation as soon as the \u201cgenuine link\u201d criteria have been found not to apply. This innovation would fundamentally change the system from one based on \u201cresponsibility\u201d (for entry) to one based on \u201csolidarity\u201d. The gains in terms of distributive fairness between Member States would (theoretically) be considerable, while the expansion of \u201cgenuine link\u201d criteria would also make the system fairer for applicants. However, the system would probably prove unsustainably \u201ctransfer-heavy\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Under the current system, agreed transfers are rare. Under the \u201cWikstr\u00f6m Report\u201d, their number would be far greater: allocation to another State would become the \u201cdefault\u201d rule. But why should this work if, even now, Member States are unable to implement about two thirds of the (comparatively few) agreed transfers? The probable outcome is, in fact, that allocations would largely remain on paper, and \u201cin limbo\u201d situations would multiply.<\/p>\n<p>These considerations seem all the more valid since under the \u201cWikstr\u00f6m Report\u201d, most transfers would likely still have to be implemented without the consent of applicants. True, there would be expanded \u201cgenuine link\u201d criteria. But these would still probably apply in a minority of cases. At the same time, the vast disparities that exist between the Member States would make involuntary allocation unfair for applicants and evasion still attractive. Consequently, the system would need to rely on coercion and heavy administrative procedures.<\/p>\n<p>This seems to be the least thought through aspects of the \u201cWikstr\u00f6m Report\u201d (and the Commission proposal). Both seem to start from the premise that involuntary transfers on a large scale self-evidently will work, oblivious to the contrary evidence accumulated under both the Dublin system and the relocation schemes. Neither document proposes a credible answer to the question of how a manifold increase in the efficiency of transfers is supposed to come about. All in all, the core difficulty remains unaddressed: that \u201cmoving\u201d large numbers of persons against their will, while respecting fundamental rights, is a daunting task, and quite possibly one that is not feasible.<\/p>\n<p>All of these factors contribute to a system that is unlikely to work in practice. Nevertheless, with its emphasis on \u201cgenuine links\u201d, on the need to elicit the cooperation of applicants, and on increased financial solidarity, the \u201cWikstr\u00f6m Report\u201d might still prove an important step on the way that leads to\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/RegData\/etudes\/STUD\/2016\/571360\/IPOL_STU%282016%29571360_EN.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a fair, sustainable and effective responsibility-sharing system<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/?page_id=21&amp;author=maiani\">Francesco Maiani<\/a><br \/>\nCentre for Comparative, European and International Law, University of Lausanne and future Project Leader of the nccr \u2013 on the move<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/?page_id=21&amp;author=hruschka\">Constantin Hruschka<\/a><br \/>\nMax Planck Institute for Social Law and Social Policy, Munich<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A new chapter is being written in the troubled history of the Dublin system. (Hastily) declared dead at the height of the crisis\u2019 of 2015, it has been (belatedly) judged unfit for purpose by a whole range of actors including the European Commission and Parliament. A fundamental reform has therefore been placed on the agenda as matter of urgency.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":60,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[60],"tags":[207,235,236,256,247],"coauthors":[378,377],"class_list":["post-2493","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politique","tag-admission","tag-admission-fr","tag-asylum-refugees-fr","tag-law-case-law-fr","tag-european-union-fr"],"acf":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2493","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/60"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2493"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2493\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2494,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2493\/revisions\/2494"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2493"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2493"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2493"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nccr-onthemove.ch\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=2493"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}