Border policies
In 2015, more than a million refugees and migrants came to Europe during the so-called ‘migration crisis.’ This prompted a host of security-oriented responses to protect the EU’s external borders, spearheaded by the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). While the number of irregular border crossings has decreased substantially ...
+ Read moreLast summer, the Southern Mediterranean coast – and the Italian island of Lampedusa – gained significant media attention due to the arrival of numerous migrants on its shores. The Mediterranean Sea, seen as one of the most dangerous in the world, and Lampedusa are now recognized as Europe’s primary borders ...
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During the FIFA 2022 World Cup, Qatar devised several ad hoc migration policies to dramatically curb the total number of visitors in favor of a preferred type of soccer fan: well-off and depoliticized. Profiting from a global state of exception during the COVID-19 pandemic, Doha further refined its mobility regime
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One of the tendencies observed when studying migration governance during the COVID-19 pandemic globally, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), has been a quick return to the pre-pandemic logic of the neoliberal state. This is remarkable when compared with the anti-immigrant rhetoric within official discourse and the rapid expansion
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Following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, authorities deployed a myriad of “exceptional” measures that severely impacted the possibilities of human movement. States restricted, controlled and monitored people on the move at various social and spatial scales. The emerging “regime of (im)mobility” turned out to be highly differential and
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