20.02.2018 , in ((Esperienze))
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Laura Rezzonico
In contrast to many other countries, Switzerland confines most of its immigration detainees in ordinary prisons together with convicted or on remand prisoners – although usually in separated areas. As a consequence, prison officers are those in charge of the confinement and exclusion of migrants. They are constantly confronted with their suffering, which may take the form of bewilderment, anger, or despair, and develop forms of moral detachment to cope with the situation.
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27.11.2017 , in ((Esperienze))
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Laure Sandoz
C’est une idée reçue de croire que les personnes migrantes hautement qualifiées accèdent facilement au marché de l’emploi. Dans la réalité, les personnes migrantes arrivées en Suisse pour des motifs humanitaires doivent se battre contre de nombreux préjugés afin de faire valoir leurs compétences et décrocher un poste de travail.
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22.06.2017 , in ((Politica))
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Etienne Piguet
Since 2015, the term “migration crisis” has appeared in the media almost on a daily basis. Why now and not back in the 1990’s when comparable numbers of asylum requests were lodged in Europe? Many parameters are indeed very different today than in past episodes of refugee arrivals. In 2015, refugees moved in large numbers over large distances, from the South to the North, and they had to risk their lives to do so. The lack of political coherence in Europe when coping with these arrivals nearly led to a breakdown of the entire EU. However, it is not only a “crisis” of politics, but also of numbers, distance and rights. What are its fundamentals?
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16.06.2017 , in ((Politica))
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Laure Sandoz
La notion de passeur est aujourd’hui négativement connotée: elle renvoie généralement à l’image d’êtres malveillants qui profitent de personnes vulnérables pour s’enrichir à leurs dépens. Il est nécessaire de revenir sur les significations de ce terme dans le contexte actuel afin de déconstruire les idées reçues qui lui sont associées.
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23.05.2017 , in ((Politica))
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Daniela Vitiello
The EU relocation mechanism for Italy and Greece promised to be the first fully-fledged experiment of “non-just-financial” solidarity among EU Member States in the field of asylum. After more than a year of implementation, its shortcomings appear as clear as the sun in the summer sky. However, it holds some merits, primarily to have shown the advantages of a better integration of NGOs in the governance of asylum redistributive schemes. The same NGOs are now under attack. Why?
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